The French Revolution A Turning Point In French History - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1920 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2019/06/26 Category History Essay Level High school Tags: French Revolution Essay Did you like this example? The French Revolution was an inevitable uprising in France. Between 1789 and 1799 the common people revolted against the government and their ruling power, eventually resulting in France becoming a republic. Such a drastic change was at the expense of years of oppressive ruling styles enforced by the monarchy. The French Revolution was driven by a need for change within the french society, after years of the ruling power ignoring the prominent need for reformation. Prior to 1789 French society was structured according to feudalism in a system referred to as the Estates system. This structure forced people into specific classes which determined their rights and status. It was virtually impossible for someone to move classes, and if they did it could take generations to do so. At the pinnacle of this absolute monarch system was Louis XVI. His rule was believed to be an extension of God, resulting in his word overruling all others. His commands were never to be questioned or refused or the retributions could be fatal. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The French Revolution: A Turning Point In French History" essay for you Create order The Estate system was made up of three distinct orders. The First Estate was made up of the Roman Catholic clergy, who were seen as the only path to understanding God and the afterlife, with about 100,000 members. This group was made up of monks, nuns, parish priests, and bishops and came with numerous benefits such as the collection of tithes. Tithes were the collection of one-tenths of each persons income that was then sent to support the church. The First Estate also was exempt from paying land taxes, resulting in them being even wealthier than the rest of the population. The connection of the state and church created a religious monopoly within society because there was no other permitted religion. This stronghold on social order was maintained by the lack of funds that made it to the bottom tiers within this Estate. Its members were also unfairly protected by only being able to be tried by an ecclesiastical court, by other members of the church, rather than standard civil court members. The Second Estate within French society was made up of nobles, similar to the feudal pyramid, these members were in the top percentiles of the social order. They filled many of the powerful positions within the army, church and government. Out of the 24,700,000 people that made up Frances population, only 400,000 made up the Second Estate while owning more than 20% of the available land. Similar to the First Estate, the Second Estate also had many unfair advantages in comparison to the lower classes such as tax exemptions and permission to collect dues from the peasant class.These circumstances were drastically different from those applied to the Third Estate, which was made up of merchants, lawyers, poor laborers, and ordinary peasants, made up 98% of the population. It was solely a matter of time before the numerically larger Estate rose up against the monarchy. In 1789, King Louis XVI found himself in a state of financial distress. At the time France had been heavily involved in the American Revolution while King Louis XVI and his predecessor had continued to spend their money extravagantly. Along with two previous decades of poor harvests, droughts, cattle diseases, and steadily accumulating bread prices France was on the brink of bankruptcy. To attempt at saving the country from an economic downfall, King Louis XVIs controller general, Charles Alexandre de Colonne, proposed a financial reform package that would eliminate the Elite class taxation exemptions with a universal land tax. To obtain support for such changes and attempt to stall a growing aristocratic revolt King Louis XVI summoned a meeting with the Estates-General, a meeting representing the clergy, nobility, and middle class for the first time since 1614. It was intended to take place on May 5, 1614 while, in the meantime, delegates were to compile a list of grievances and c omplaints pertaining to each Estate. The Third Estate began to bring up the demand for equal representation and the abolishment of the noble veto, the higher Estates ability to outvote the other 98% of the population made up of Third estate. This demand was faced with great resistance from the nobles. By the time the Estates General gathered, the matter had already become a highly public debate, leading to hostile eruptions between the three Estates. Due to the lack of progress being made, the Third Estate and some members of the lower clergy congregated on their own in Versailles, France and formally adopted the name the National Assembly. Hear, what is known as the Tennis Court Oath occurred. Due to them being locked out of their typical meeting hall by the government, as well as receiving threats to stop their deliberations, they met on an abandoned tennis court where they vowed, not to separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require until the constitution of the kingdom is established and consolidated upon firm foundations. Out of the entire congregation, Only one broke this vow. They also brought the cahiers, their list of grievances, which attributed all their problems to the arbitrary power of the king and demanded a constitution that would end the kings ability to abuse such absolutism. They also requested the end of censorship, the reorganization of finances that would prevent abuse from the government, and equality in taxation. These reforms were supposed to be made through the goodwill of the king. At first, King Louis XVI ordered the three Estates to follow the original plan and meet in their separate chambers. The privileged classes obeyes, while the Third Estate refused to comply. This demonstration of immense commitment proved to be a force King Louis XVI could not overthrow. In response to the King Henri ?†°vrard, one of the nobles that had been elected deputy of the Third Estate, stated, Go tell your master that we are here by the will of the people, and that we can be removed only with the force of bayonets. Only four days after the meeting, King Louis XVI ordered the nobility and higher clergymen to join the truly representative National Assembly. On July 9, they joined to take on the name of Constituent Assembly. Despite the previous events, the king was secretly forming a strong resistance to the Third Estate. He ordered troops to concentrate around Versailles, and on July 11, 1789 a complete crisis broke out. The only popular minister, Necker, was dismissed and along with the nearby accumulation of troops there was great unrest among the people. In protest, spontaneous speakers rose up in front of the crowds at the Palais-Royal, one of the royal palaces. One of these speakers was a young writer, Camille Desmoulins, who urged the people to take up arms in their defense of freedom. This only urged the already tense crowd, the mob of people broke out, looting any place where they might find weapons. All while Bernard- Rene de Launay, the governor of the Bastille, had been meeting with some of the revolutionary delegates. He promised not to raise arms against them, but many misunderstood what was happening and believed that their delegates had been taken as prisoners. Rioters stormed the Bastil le Fortress, a large military fortress and prison where they had been meeting, climbing over its walls to lower a drawbridge to let others inside its courtyard. Once they began to lower a second drawbridge, Launay broke his promise and opened fire on the rioters. He was lacking the needed provisions and eventually surrendered, being taken prisoner by the crowd. As he was being marched to city hall he was torn from his guard and murdered by the bloodthirsty crowd. Furthermore they continued to cut off his head and parade through the city with it. This day, July 14, 1789 marked the violent roots of the French Revolution. This wave of revolutionary demand spread, along with great hysteria to the countryside, this is what was known as the Great Fear ( la Grande Peur). Due to years of exploitations, peasants looted and burned the homes of landlords, tax collectors, and the seigniorial (feudal lords) elite. This led the National Constituent Assembly to abolish feudalism on August 4, 1789. They signed the Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen, which was later called the death certificate of the old order. It echoed the political and philosophical ideals of the Enlightenment, stating the Assemblys dedication to replace the ancien regime with a system grounded in equal opportunity, freedom of speech, popular sovereignty, and a representative government. Drafting the formal version of this constitution proved difficult for the National Constituent Assembly, considering the harsh economic times and obligation to address the people, the Roman Catholic Church, and the French Government. The f inal draft, adopted on september 3, 1791, echoed their modern voices but still established a constitutional monarchy, lent King Louis XVI the royal veto power, and ability to appoint ministers. This did not appeal to rising radical figures such as Maximilien de Robespierre, an activist and government official at the time, leading to their demand for King Louis XVIs trial in regards to his previous attempt to flee the country. This lead to yet another political crisis, causing a group of rebels led by the extremist group Jacobins, considerably the most ruthless political group created in response to the French Revolution, who attacked the royal residence in Paris and arrested King Louis XVI on August 10, 1792. Within the following month, a wave of violence lead to the massacre of hundreds of accused counterrevolutionaries, anyone against the revolution. The Legislative Assembly was also abolished, with the National Convention taking its place. They Advocated the abolishment of the monarchy and the emplacement of the French republic. On January 21, 1793, the French republic sent King Louis XVI to the guillotine, and his wife Marie- Antoinette shortly after, for high treason. The Jacobins continued to seize control of the National Convention from another, more moderate group, the Girondins. The implemented a series of their radical ideals such as the eradication of Christianity. They also provoked the bloody Reign of Terror, a ten year period during which thousands of suspected enemies of the revolution were condemned to death by guillotine. Many of these deaths were carried out by the orders of Robespierre, the leader of the Jacobins. Eventually he faced his own execution on July 28, 1794, after implicating the Law of Prairial, which would allow a person to be tried and executed without a defense or witnesses. His death marked the beginning of the Thermidorian Reaction, a period during which the French people revolted against the excessiveness of the Reign of Terror. On August 22, 1795 the National Convention, now mostly made up of the remaining Girondins, who ratified a new constitution that created Frances first bicameral, being made up of two branches, legislature. It was decided that executive power would be placed in the hands of a five-member Directory appointed by parliament. Although many protested against this form of government, they were silenced by the rising general, Napoleon Bonaparte. Eventually, after the Directory coming to rely almost entirely on the military to retain authority, a frustrated Bonaparte eradicated the Directory and appointed himself Frances first consul on November 9, 1799. This marked the end of the French revolution, and the beginning of the Napoleonic era in which France would rise to dominate much of continental Europe. The French Revolution is an example of what might happen if the elite classes are given sole power. This revolution marks the birth of equality and freedom from monarchical power, something that is still valued in French society today. The French Revolution created a base for its people, built upon human rights.

Causes And Consequences Of Juvenile Delinquency Essay

Causes of Juvenile Delinquency Delinquent behavior has been a serious and expensive problem in American society for a prolonged period of time. Although the delinquency rate has declined, it is still one of the highest in comparison to other countries in the world. Discovering a single cause of juvenile delinquency is difficult, but there is no doubt that a combination of various theories and factors could point researchers in the right direction of establishing a source. Theory and research are the two basic tools of science, and they are ineluctably bound. â€Å"Each helps to guide and direct the other. Research collects and theory analyzes; research discovers and theory explains; research disproves and theory reorders† (Bartollas and Miller). Without this process of theorizing and researching, the American society would be forced into a life of ignorance, prejudice, and a lack of sufficient information. As a result, individuals would experience a never-ending cycle of inevitable harm. There is no single cause or simple explanation for the development of delinquent behavior. One of the most critical debates in the study of crime is that of determinism versus free will. Crime or delinquency is viewed as â€Å"purposeful activity resulting in from rational decisions in which the pros and cons are weighed and the acts that promise the greatest potential gains are performed† (Bartollas and Miller). Free will revolves around the notion that individuals choose to act a certain way,Show MoreRelatedCauses And Consequences Of Juvenile Delinquency1859 Words   |  8 Pages Causes of juvenile delinquency Alyssa Salcido PSYC 4397 Senior Seminar April 19, 2016 Causes of Juvenile Delinquency Juvenile delinquency can be defined as the involvement in illegal actions by persons under the age of 18 years. 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Before coming of age  girls and boys  have less understanding of the world. Parents, friends and teachers are all responsible along with the juvenile who commit a crime. This is why courts do not

Albee and Twain Demystifying an American Dream Free Essays

Albee and Twain: Demystifying an American Dream â€Å"What Happens to a dream differed? / Does it dry up / like a raisin in the sun / Or fester like a sore- / etc. And then run? / Does it stink like rotten meat? / Or crust with sugar over- / like a syrupy sweet? / Maybe it just sags / like a heavy load / Or does it explode? † ——– Langston Hughes American Dream was a term that first appeared in James Truslow Adams’s The Epic of America, where he states The American Dream is â€Å"that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement. It is not a dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position† (Adams, 1931) It is this land; Twain throws Huck and Jim to endure the hardships of life, to experience the thrown-Inness of being born into the world unprepared, without choice. We will write a custom essay sample on Albee and Twain: Demystifying an American Dream or any similar topic only for you Order Now Long considered as a â€Å"quest for freedom†, Huck-Finn essentially is as M. Cox puts it â€Å"a flight from tyranny, not a flight for freedom† (Cox, p172-173, 1966). Freedom is essentially a relative term, and freedom may manifest itself in physical and psychological realms. Half of the world still considers itself honored under the nomenclature of â€Å"The Commonwealth†, illustrates the limitation of physical freedom alone. One dreams in order to maintain that freedom, but as Schumacher put it, â€Å"The greatest deprivation anyone can suffers is to have no chance of looking after himself and making a livelihood†, depriving one of one’s existence and consciousness of being free. Kumar, p2672, 1991). Being a Post-American Dream novel, Twain did not go to the extent to overthrow the entire socio-political system to emphasize the impossibility and superficiality of American dream. Europeans found the dark lands flourishing with immense economical and religious opportunities. The idea was perhaps that opportunities could not be isol ated to lands, and certainly these â€Å"islands† cannot claim to provide equality and recognition to people of all races and creed, when its own socio-political apparatus is plagued with racism and lack of consciousness. With Huck and Jim, the racial discrimination prevalent in America was laid bare. Twain does not talk about conscience as a mode of judgment of human actions; rather he infused the transcendental viewpoint of intuition and innate human instincts as the basis of making choices. Conscience, which are essentially derived from society, the learned distinction between good and bad, contrary to black and white, are merely â€Å"false constraints upon natural behavior. Such constraint is what Huck rejects† (Burg, p303, 1974), something which is apparent when Huck says â€Å"always do whichever [right or wrong] come handiest at the time†. There can be no geographical location which can encompass this distinctness of human quality, to change with time as the instincts indicate may be not dictated or etched in law, and no moral order of society could circumscribe the complexity and vastness of intuition. We must not expect Twain to propound any moralistic view regarding the confrontation of races in Huck-Finn. Although set in the past, the novel peeps into the future and without dealing with complexities of master-slave psychodynamics, interprets the nature of ‘freedom’, something which seems to suggest that psychological freedom is hard to achieve in a night with such thing as an ‘Emancipation Proclamation’. If organizations like â€Å"Afro–American Unity†, â€Å"Society of African Culture† and resistance fronts like â€Å"Operation Breadbasket† and â€Å"Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work† were all prevalent during even the late 1960s, suggesting the fact that the whole concept of American dream was unacceptable to most of the black Americans. The final chapter of Huckleberry Finn which is often considered as a â€Å"chilling descent† is not a flaw in architectural unity, but a denial of celebration of freedom which one would expect from Jim’s liberation. Twain deliberately de-romanticizes and trivializes the whole concept of freedom, since the idea of equality and opportunity was â€Å"White American†; the one who was aware of his past and ensured about his recognition, nativity of his own culture and tradition, the one who assumed the nationality of a land which captured. The slaves, who by now formed the consciousness of a community and not the citizen, was more concerned with their individual identity as Joanna Zangrando puts it â€Å"the quest for black liberation is a search for what whites no longer possess in full measure; a clear and purposeful sense of self identity† (Zangarando, p154, 1970). Jim’s never been and would never be free unless he acquires an identity like the slaves of the African culture did. A slave in Nigeria, would still be a Nigerian, while Jim, does not figure into that frame of nationality, and neither into that ‘dream’ which an ‘American’ saw. The concept of American Dream was built upon the pillars formed by the dislocated and reluctant hands of the slaves, akin to what the Romans did, and just like them, came down the fabrication of entire dream, devastated, stranded and lost. Nationality is not just one issue that can be talked about in reference to American dream. Societal dynamics function through interaction of power, authority and influence. It can well function without the aesthetic and poetic representation of human development. And in a society devoid of sustainable archaic references, financial status does become a determining parameter of individual growth. Although not implicit in the original idea of James Turslow, but economic influence finds its manifestation in the American dream of the common man. Such aspects find distinct voice in Albee’s works which revolve around the social fabric. The general view that â€Å"Edward Albee’s plays are ferocious attacks on lethargy and complacency in American society† and â€Å"a savage denial that everything is just dandy† receives a nod from Albee himself (Albee, p8, 1961) and he goes on to confirm his own claim with Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf, a play through which historicity speaks out for entire American civilization. How subjects receive names is also interesting. While George corresponds to the then president of United States and Martha being her wife, Albee certainly hits the nail on the head, illustrating a family whose life is drowned deep into the artificialities manufactured under in the social machinery. Near the end of the second act of Who’s Afraid of Virginia Wolf, George, the professor of history, is left alone onstage while Martha, his wife, and Nick are playing the preliminary rounds of â€Å"hump the hostess† in the kitchen. Attempting to control his hurt and anger he reads aloud from a book he has taken from the shelf, â€Å"And the West, encumbered by crippling alliances and burdened with a morality too rigid to accommodate itself to the swing of events must eventually fall† (II, 174). George is clearly encumbered with a crippling alliance in his marriage to Martha and does seem to be burdened with a kind of morality that makes it difficult for him to respond in kind to her vicious attacks. At the same time, this observation on the movements of history, read in connection with the events of George’s personal history, is a splendid example of how Albee has managed to endow the events of the family drama with a deeper significance, suggestive of larger events and movements. Upon the historicity and it’s relation to American Dream, Holton writes â€Å"One of the principal myths on which this country was founded was the notion that America was a New Eden, a second chance ordained by God or Providence in which man could begin all over again, freed from the accumulated sin and corruption of Western history† (Holton, p47, 1973). With Holton’s comment, we move yet closer to the objective of this paper, that not only could the American become a New Adam and found upon the unspoiled continent an ideal human polity, but this new way of life and new order of society could serve as a shining example to redeem erring Europe from her own sinfulness. Such a dream was essentially impossibility in an imperfect world where multitudes dream their own dreams. Thus the majority of American historians, says David Noble, have been Jeremiahs, decrying America’s involvement within the transitory patterns of European history and calling Americans back to their duties and obligations (Nobles, p4, 1965). With such a catastrophic dream at hand, the people of American couldn’t have gone far with the nightmare it was to cast. It was not unprecedented, as such a crumbling of social order already shook the British machinery where ‘The Angry Young Man’ was invented during the mid of twentieth century who looks back in anger and, shouts â€Å"I’d love to live too†¦ But I must say, it’s pretty dreary living in the American age† (Osborne, p9-14, 1954). This disillusionment and dissatisfaction with life and lack of recognition in society, was soon realized in America as well. In fact the three acts of the play titled â€Å"Fun and Games†, â€Å"Walpurgisnacht† and â€Å"Exorcism† may be said to illustrate the historic passage of American civilization; from innocence to guilt to madness. America which began as an un-spoilt continent, convinced that it was unique in human history to create a perfect society, just like the Germans once thought, in a race of differentiation, cut themselves from European tradition and history, in effect ‘killed’ its parents. But how can one neglect the parenting they once received in Europe, when memories transform into haunting, only by retreating into madness can one escape the vicissitudes of history. Again in the words of Holtan, â€Å"Both George and Martha indicate at various points that â€Å"back there,† â€Å"in the beginning,† â€Å"when I first came to New Carthage,† there might have been a chance for them. That chance was lost and now their â€Å"crippling alliance† exacts its toll from both of them† (Holtan, p48, 1973). Finally, what Johnson perceived with his panoramic eye while surveying â€Å"mankind from China to Peru† (Johnson, p50, 1749), acknowledging the universality of human behavior, holds true for any nation any â€Å"island† claiming to become land of opportunity. Freedom again is a responsibility, that functions under a collective consciousness of â€Å"being free†, consequently â€Å"whoever, in man’s universal condition, chooses freedom chooses it for everybody† concludes Franz Adler (Adler, p284, 1949). Similarly an idea that negates the masses, devoids itself the potential of transformation into a phenomenon, its localization soon consumes its very presence with time. References: Adams, James, Truslow, The Epic of America, Simon Publications, 2001. Adler, Franz, The Social Thought of Jean-Paul Sartre, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 55, No. 3 (Nov. , 1949), The University of Chicago Press. Albee, Edward, The American Dream, Coward-McCann, Inc. , New York, 1961. Burg, David, F. , Another View of Huckleberry Finn, Nineteenth-Century Fiction, Vol. 29, No. 3, University of California Press, 1974. Cox, James, M. , Mark Twain, The Fate of Humour, Princeton University Press, 1966 Johnson, The Vanity of Human Wishes, edited by Harriet Raghunathan, Worldview Publications, 2004, New Delhi. Noble, David, W. , Historians Against History, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1965. Osborne, John, Look Back in Anger, edited by Neeraj Malik, Worldview Publications, 2002, New Delhi. Schumacher, E. F. , Dilemmas of Measuring Human Freedom, Kumar, K, G, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 26, No. 47, Economic and Political Weekly, 1991. Zangrando, Schneider, Joanna, Zangrando, L. Robert, Black Protest: A Rejection of the American Dream, Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, Sage Publications, Inc. , 1970. How to cite Albee and Twain: Demystifying an American Dream, Essay examples

Which Social Groups Are Marginalized Within the Text free essay sample

Juan Jose Martinez Which social groups are marginalized within the text (written task 2) There are 3 social classes which are present in the novel 1984 by George Orwell. The book was written in 1949showing the authors perspective of a possible futures ruled by totalitarianism, where the world is subdivided in 3 countries which are controlled by regimes. Oceania is where the story take place, is divided in 3 social classes: the high class conform by the party members and the leaders of the regimen, the middle class by standard citizens and the low represented by the proles.The middle class is silenced because they have the power to change things and to think differently and the proles are excluded due to their number and besides their labor they do not apport anything else to the regimen. Even though the disadvantages of each class they live in an ironic harmony where they have certain advantages from the others. The most silenced group is the middle class. The citizens are told that big brother is the leader â€Å"those who control the past control the future, who control the present control the past†.The party controls the present so people do what they wished. Big brother use totalitarianism government to manipulate history in which they change historic events and suppress realities in order to make people think the regimen has been ruling since the beginning of all times. By using technology the regimen maintain psychological control, using dispositive such the telescreen used monitor every single movement and expression in people’s faces so they do what they are told, and even they don’t have any time to think differently.The information that is given to the citizens is manipulated to fit the party’s objectives and because it is the only information available people believe it because there is no record of a standard society which could be compared to the r egimen, so people believe it improves their lives. The reason why they are silenced is because their capacity to change things, even though the middle class is not included in the inner party members, they have access to the inner party main buildings and records that show different kinds of though, so by reading historic records these people develop a evolutionary way of thinking and by following the party’s orders each day they are concern about the true intention of the regimen making them very dangerous. Besides all the access to different knowledge this class have, the majority of its members live in an ironic happiness, where they have access to food, shelter, a job and limited benefits, but they live in a complete lie by accepting the regimen as their savior living in an ignorant happiness. The middle class is represented as being silenced very easily.It is a true representation of many societies around the globe such as the German during the Nazi period and the Russians with the communism regimen. Since ancient times societies have been subdivided in classes, and in most of the cases the ruling class is conformed by the ones with more power and money. In order to take control or to create a regimen, the power classes take advantage when they detect a weakness in the politic system, thanks to their money and that they are well educated they know how to persuade other classes to gain their support.All the regimens through history have stated with a charismatic leader which promise progress and the greater good for everybody, because they make all this promises when people are in a weak situation, they win their support very easily as the people believe what they are saying because it is their best option. Of the three social classes that compose the book, the proles are the ones who receive the baddest treatment. They compose the 85% of all Oceania population, and the party is only interested on them because their labor. The regimen excludes them from the rest of the society due to their large population which represent a real danger to the big brothers goals. Because the main characteristic of the proles is to be submitted to hard work, they don’t get in conscious of anything outside their daily lives, and they just accept their fate.This is the most excluded group in the novel because of their number which can be very difficult, expensive and dangerous for the party to monitor and control, so they just leave the aside assigning them the hardest work letting them live their lives mostly as they will. Again here is a example of the ironic harmony, despite they live in infrahuman conditions they still have their freedom, and can enjoy some humans pleasures such sex which is forbidden for other classes.Even though because their lack of education they are the party’s puppets and th ey don’t even think of creating a revolution despite their large numbers. As Winston (the novels protagonist) says the proles are the future he has the reason as they are the only ones with enough members to create a coup detat. In 1984 traitors get killed when they commit crime against big brother, and in some cases they are brain washed in order to convert them in the party’s marionettes. proles are consider traitors as they don’t belong directly to the party.But the thing is that the party does not have concrete evidence of them, but they just speculate that because proles have more freedom than others allowing them to commit many crimes or to do forbidden thing like drinking alcohol without the regimen realizing. In conclusion the three groups in Oceania live in an ironic harmony, because of their specific roles that maintain the structure of Oceania, being governed by big brother. Because the proles don’t have time to think in anything else than work they create a society where all people are equal and they enjoy a certain freedom that any other class has.Where the outer party member (middle class) is the most submitted but they have access to buildings and they are kept alive in h uman conditions, and the inner party members hold the high charges in the organization of their society. Even though these three groups will never coincide with each other, their subdivision and their tasks are indispensable for the structure of theirs society and to make the regimen work well. So they hate each other but they do not do anything about that because they are adjusted to their live style.